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Microclustering of the Media Industries in London

Andy C. Pratt

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Abstract

Along with a select number of cities in the world, London is commonly regarded as a centre for media. Like most capital cities it has the headquarters of major media organizations, and it has proximity to national politics and economic power, often the content of news and other media stories. In addition, many of the media organizations are international in scope and networked. However, we have to ask if this means that London has media power. This is a dimension of research that has been overlooked. Generally the symbolic or representational aspect of the media is given priority (even in geography texts, see for example Adams, 2009), where attention paid to the material and economic aspects is shorn of a focus on space and place (see Herman and McChesney, 1997). However, in this chapter the focus is on the socio- economics of organization and operation of media industries, that is corporate or economic power of media organization and activity and on the question whether it makes London a ‘media cluster’. This chapter addresses the second of these issues, but additionally suggests that this answer might help to engage with the former question. In particular, in its efforts to describe and understand the concentration of media activity in London, this chapter examines the utility of the cluster model to account for it. A critical function of any analytical exercise is to reflect upon the key terms and definitions. In this case the chapter is critical of the coherence and utility of the very notion of media industry. The chapter highlights that there are multiple industries with varied structures and organization, as well as markets and technologies, that could sit under the umbrella term ‘media’. In addition, they might include relevant and related activities that would not normally be included under technical aspects of production or distribution. 1

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What this paper is about

Along with a select number of cities in the world, London is commonly regarded as a centre for media. Like most capital cities it has the headquarters of major media organizations, and it has proximity to national politics and economic power, often the content of news and other media stories. In addition, many of the media organizations are international in scope and networked. However, we have to ask if this means that London has media power. This is a dimension of research that has been overlooked. Generally the symbolic or representational aspect of the media is given priority (even in geography texts, see for example Adams, 2009), where attention paid to the material and economic aspects is shorn of a focus on space and place (see Herman and McChesney, 1997). However, in this chapter the focus is on the socio- economics of organization and operation of media industries, that is corporate or economic power of media organization and activity and on the question whether it makes London a ‘media cluster’. This chapter addresses the second of these issues, but additionally suggests that this answer might help to engage with the former question. In particular, in its efforts to describe and understand the concentration of media activity in London, this chapter examines the utility of the cluster model to account for it. A critical function of any analytical exercise is to reflect upon the key terms and definitions. In this case the chapter is critical of the coherence and utility of the very notion of media industry. The chapter highlights that there are multiple industries with varied structures and organization, as well as markets and technologies, that could sit under the umbrella term ‘media’. In addition, they might include relevant and related activities that would not normally be included under technical aspects of production or distribution. 1

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Available abstract

Along with a select number of cities in the world, London is commonly regarded as a centre for media. Like most capital cities it has the headquarters of major media organizations, and it has proximity to national politics and economic power, often the content of news and other media stories. In addition, many of the media organizations are international in scope and networked. However, we have to ask if this means that London has media power. This is a dimension of research that has been overlooked. Generally the symbolic or representational aspect of the media is given priority (even in geography texts, see for example Adams, 2009), where attention paid to the material and economic aspects is shorn of a focus on space and place (see Herman and McChesney, 1997). However, in this chapter the focus is on the socio- economics of organization and operation of media industries, that is corporate or economic power of media organization and activity and on the question whether it makes London a ‘media cluster’. This chapter addresses the second of these issues, but additionally suggests that this answer might help to engage with the former question. In particular, in its efforts to describe and understand the concentration of media activity in London, this chapter examines the utility of the cluster model to account for it. A critical function of any analytical exercise is to reflect upon the key terms and definitions. In this case the chapter is critical of the coherence and utility of the very notion of media industry. The chapter highlights that there are multiple industries with varied structures and organization, as well as markets and technologies, that could sit under the umbrella term ‘media’. In addition, they might include relevant and related activities that would not normally be included under technical aspects of production or distribution. 1

Key concepts: Scope (computer science), Politics, Space (punctuation), Power (physics), Dimension (graph theory), Function (biology), Media industry, Capital (architecture)

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