British Policy Formulation for the EU

To understand the current context in which this investigation takes place, one must understand both the British and European legacy that led to this point in time.After WW2, the Cold War separated Europe into roughly two halves.Encouraged by the US, Western Europe began to integrate, both politically and economically.Britain at first encouraged this integration, while it remained outside of it at the same time.Subsequently, because of the loss of economic prowess and the advantages of the European project, the United Kingdom attempted to join the European Community.Indeed, while Europe no longer dominated the world as it once did, it still had one of the largest economies in the world.Finally, in 1973, after numerous attempts, the UK joined the present day European Union.The UK now serves as one of the main powers of the EU, giving it more relative power than if it was to act on its own.Key executive actors remain bounded by this historical legacy of a necessary, but reluctant membership within the EU.At the same time they are also constrained by the constantly changing evolutionary nature of the EU.Starting with the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1952, then the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957, then the EU in 1993, and ultimately the consolidation of all of these various elements in 2007, the nature of the European transnational organization has not only evolved economically, but also politically over the latter half of the twentieth century (Miller and Clark, 2010, p. 3).While the degree of integration can be argued, the EU today is a politically and economically binding organization that impacts not only the Foreign Office, but also every single domestic agency, central or quango, in the UK.With its three main executive and legislative bodies consisting of the European Council, the Commission, and the European Parliament (EP), the EU is a transnational organization, not an international one (Miller and Clark, 2010, p. 7-9).While the balance between these organs has shifted over the course of EU history, British political actors remain constrained by the institutional mechanisms that blur the line between national and European interests. Public Attitudes toward the EUOn the domestic level, public opinion tremendously influences the executive at the international negotiation table.In the United Kingdom, the public generally disapproves of the EU.According to a Eurobarometer poll in late 2009, trust in the EU is quoted at 22 percent, with trust in the Commission at 22 percent and trust in the EP at 22 percent (Miller, 2010, p 3).The UK public, according to political scientist Alistair Jones (2007), consistently "comes last" in the EU when asked "if membership of the EU is a good thing" (p.157).Indeed, the UK is consistently among the least enthusiastic countries for the EU, though in recent years there has been more widespread discontent with some advancement in institutional change in other EU states, such as Ireland and the Netherlands (Jones, 2007, p.160-161).But there is something beyond just a lack support for the EU.The British public is