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Word-Edge Consonant Clusters in Chaha

Jin-young Tak

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Abstract

The present study analyzes various patterns of [?]-epenthesis toward word-initial and -final consonant clusters in Chaha within the framework of the syllable margin approach (Baertsch 2002, Baertsch & Davis 2003). Following Banksira (1997, 2000) and Rose (1997, 2000), this paper posits that /β/ is a sonorant in Chaha. However, in contrast to Banksira (2000) who assigns the same sonority value to /β/ as nasals and liquids and Rose (2000) who locates /β/ between nasals and liquids in the sonority scale, it is argued here that in fact in Chaha /β/is less sonorant than both nasals and liquids. Furthermore, compared to Roses (2003) analysis where the constraint SyllabeContact places a crucial role in determining [?]-epenthesis in Chaha, the present analysis splits consonants within the syllable into two types of margin consonants (M1 and M2). Then, it is proposed that the separate M1 and M2 hierarchies enable us to account for the different behaviors of consonant clusters with respect to [?]-epenthesis without referring to an external sonority scale or a specific syllable contact conditions (Murray & Tennemann 1983).

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What this paper is about

The present study analyzes various patterns of [?]-epenthesis toward word-initial and -final consonant clusters in Chaha within the framework of the syllable margin approach (Baertsch 2002, Baertsch & Davis 2003). Following Banksira (1997, 2000) and Rose (1997, 2000), this paper posits that /β/ is a sonorant in Chaha. However, in contrast to Banksira (2000) who assigns the same sonority value to /β/ as nasals and liquids and Rose (2000) who locates /β/ between nasals and liquids in the sonority scale, it is argued here that in fact in Chaha /β/is less sonorant than both nasals and liquids. Furthermore, compared to Roses (2003) analysis where the constraint SyllabeContact places a crucial role in determining [?]-epenthesis in Chaha, the present analysis splits consonants within the syllable into two types of margin consonants (M1 and M2). Then, it is proposed that the separate M1 and M2 hierarchies enable us to account for the different behaviors of consonant clusters with respect to [?]-epenthesis without referring to an external sonority scale or a specific syllable contact conditions (Murray & Tennemann 1983).

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Available abstract

The present study analyzes various patterns of [?]-epenthesis toward word-initial and -final consonant clusters in Chaha within the framework of the syllable margin approach (Baertsch 2002, Baertsch & Davis 2003). Following Banksira (1997, 2000) and Rose (1997, 2000), this paper posits that /β/ is a sonorant in Chaha. However, in contrast to Banksira (2000) who assigns the same sonority value to /β/ as nasals and liquids and Rose (2000) who locates /β/ between nasals and liquids in the sonority scale, it is argued here that in fact in Chaha /β/is less sonorant than both nasals and liquids. Furthermore, compared to Roses (2003) analysis where the constraint SyllabeContact places a crucial role in determining [?]-epenthesis in Chaha, the present analysis splits consonants within the syllable into two types of margin consonants (M1 and M2). Then, it is proposed that the separate M1 and M2 hierarchies enable us to account for the different behaviors of consonant clusters with respect to [?]-epenthesis without referring to an external sonority scale or a specific syllable contact conditions (Murray & Tennemann 1983).

Key concepts: Sonority hierarchy, Syllable, Consonant, Consonant cluster, Obstruent, Linguistics, Mathematics, Speech recognition

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