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An Optimality-Theoretic Approach to Reduplication in Korean Ideophones *

Jinhyung Kim

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Abstract

This paper examines the reduplication behavior observed in Korean \nideophones within the framework of Optimality Theory. We argue that \nthe various effects of reduplication, which can be largely classified into \ntwo, segmental and templatic variation, are instances of the emergence of \nthe unmarked (TETU). This means that the more unmarked segmental \ncontent and the more harmonious syllable template emerge only in the \nreduplicant through the constraint ranking FAlTII-IO≫PHONO-C≫ \nIDENT-BR(McCarthy and Prince 1995). \nTo resolve the cases which seem to be quite asymmetric in terms of \nthe template, we propose the constraint •CLASH between the base and \nthe reduplicant, to the effect that they are, in fact, conspiring to improve \nthe syllable structure harmony, and show that no other than OT-based \napproach can offer a generalized and consistent explanation about it.

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What this paper is about

This paper examines the reduplication behavior observed in Korean \nideophones within the framework of Optimality Theory. We argue that \nthe various effects of reduplication, which can be largely classified into \ntwo, segmental and templatic variation, are instances of the emergence of \nthe unmarked (TETU). This means that the more unmarked segmental \ncontent and the more harmonious syllable template emerge only in the \nreduplicant through the constraint ranking FAlTII-IO≫PHONO-C≫ \nIDENT-BR(McCarthy and Prince 1995). \nTo resolve the cases which seem to be quite asymmetric in terms of \nthe template, we propose the constraint •CLASH between the base and \nthe reduplicant, to the effect that they are, in fact, conspiring to improve \nthe syllable structure harmony, and show that no other than OT-based \napproach can offer a generalized and consistent explanation about it.

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Available abstract

This paper examines the reduplication behavior observed in Korean \nideophones within the framework of Optimality Theory. We argue that \nthe various effects of reduplication, which can be largely classified into \ntwo, segmental and templatic variation, are instances of the emergence of \nthe unmarked (TETU). This means that the more unmarked segmental \ncontent and the more harmonious syllable template emerge only in the \nreduplicant through the constraint ranking FAlTII-IO≫PHONO-C≫ \nIDENT-BR(McCarthy and Prince 1995). \nTo resolve the cases which seem to be quite asymmetric in terms of \nthe template, we propose the constraint •CLASH between the base and \nthe reduplicant, to the effect that they are, in fact, conspiring to improve \nthe syllable structure harmony, and show that no other than OT-based \napproach can offer a generalized and consistent explanation about it.

Key concepts: Reduplication, Optimality theory, Linguistics, Syllable, Variation (astronomy), Constraint (computer-aided design), Mathematics, Phonology

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