State-labour relations in Botswana, 1966-1990 : industrial relations in an emergent "liberal" capitalist democracy
Monageng Mogalakwe
Abstract
Open-access reader
Monageng Mogalakwe
Abstract
Open-access reader
Botswana is a formally liberal democratic country that is \nknown for its impressive economic growth and political \nstability. The country has sometimes been referred to as \nAfrica's economic miracle and a shining example of democracy \nin a continent notorious for economic mismanagement, military \ndictatorships and one-party government. However, this picture \nof Botswana is too superficial and generous. \nThis study seeks to delve beneath the surface of this much \nacclaimed liberal democracy in order to explore the system of \nlabour repression that is the dark side of Botswana's \nconstitutional framework of individual rights and democratic \nfreedoms. In Botswana, the collective rights and freedoms of \ntrade unions, though formally recognized, are in fact severely \nrestricted. The state prevents workers in the public sector \nfrom forming or belonging to trade unions at all. In the \nprivate sector there are manifold constraints on industrial \nbargaining, organisation and activity. These forms of control \nover the trade union movement derive from the Botswana state's \nposition as a peripheral capitalist state. \nThese structures of social domination, however, have not gone \nunchallenged by the labour movement. The growth and \ndevelopment of the trade union movement and the challenges \nposed by the labour movement to both the state and capital \nhave shifted the state towards limited labour reforms. This \nshows that, while the Botswana state remains the guarantor of \nprivate capital accumulation, its form is nevertheless \ndetermined by the constellation of class forces in which it is \nlocated. If the state is to maintain legitimacy and hegemony \nin society, and not rely on coercion alone, it must accede to \nsome of the demands of the working class. Botswan&s liberal \ndemocracy gives the working class space to fight for the \nreduction of exploitation and to push the state toward more \nsocial reforms. \nAt the same time, however, there is occurring a marked change \nin how the state relates to labour - from what may be called a \nstrategy of "national economic development" to one more \ninfluenced by neo-liberal economic and political approaches. \nThe conclusion I have reached in this analysis is that workers \nand their unions need to develop a long term strategy to \nincrease their social weight in relation to the state and \ncapital. The strategic option recommended here is social \nmovement unionism. It is argued that because of the liberal \ndemocratic form of Botswana capitalism, social movement \nunionism, rather than overt political unionism stands a better \nchance of success because this form of unionism will not split \nthe ranks of the workers along party lines.
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Botswana is a formally liberal democratic country that is \nknown for its impressive economic growth and political \nstability. The country has sometimes been referred to as \nAfrica's economic miracle and a shining example of democracy \nin a continent notorious for economic mismanagement, military \ndictatorships and one-party government. However, this picture \nof Botswana is too superficial and generous. \nThis study seeks to delve beneath the surface of this much \nacclaimed liberal democracy in order to explore the system of \nlabour repression that is the dark side of Botswana's \nconstitutional framework of individual rights and democratic \nfreedoms. In Botswana, the collective rights and freedoms of \ntrade unions, though formally recognized, are in fact severely \nrestricted. The state prevents workers in the public sector \nfrom forming or belonging to trade unions at all. In the \nprivate sector there are manifold constraints on industrial \nbargaining, organisation and activity. These forms of control \nover the trade union movement derive from the Botswana state's \nposition as a peripheral capitalist state. \nThese structures of social domination, however, have not gone \nunchallenged by the labour movement. The growth and \ndevelopment of the trade union movement and the challenges \nposed by the labour movement to both the state and capital \nhave shifted the state towards limited labour reforms. This \nshows that, while the Botswana state remains the guarantor of \nprivate capital accumulation, its form is nevertheless \ndetermined by the constellation of class forces in which it is \nlocated. If the state is to maintain legitimacy and hegemony \nin society, and not rely on coercion alone, it must accede to \nsome of the demands of the working class. Botswan&s liberal \ndemocracy gives the working class space to fight for the \nreduction of exploitation and to push the state toward more \nsocial reforms. \nAt the same time, however, there is occurring a marked change \nin how the state relates to labour - from what may be called a \nstrategy of "national economic development" to one more \ninfluenced by neo-liberal economic and political approaches. \nThe conclusion I have reached in this analysis is that workers \nand their unions need to develop a long term strategy to \nincrease their social weight in relation to the state and \ncapital. The strategic option recommended here is social \nmovement unionism. It is argued that because of the liberal \ndemocratic form of Botswana capitalism, social movement \nunionism, rather than overt political unionism stands a better \nchance of success because this form of unionism will not split \nthe ranks of the workers along party lines.
Key concepts: Democracy, Trade union, State (computer science), Hegemony, Political economy, Political science, Legitimacy, Politics