Coda Formation vs. Onset Maximization
Karen Baertsch
Abstract
Karen Baertsch
Abstract
The formation of syllable margins does not always give preference to onsets over codas. In the three cases analyzed here, coda formation overrides onset formation, preventing high sonority segments from being parsed as onsets, often resulting in violations of the maximal onset principle. In Taimyr Pidgin Russian and in some childrens’ acquisition of Japanese, rhotics are allowed only in coda position, driving epenthesis and neutralization, respectively. In Lama, metathesis and obstruent sonorization work together to maximize sonority in codas while minimizing sonority in onsets.
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The formation of syllable margins does not always give preference to onsets over codas. In the three cases analyzed here, coda formation overrides onset formation, preventing high sonority segments from being parsed as onsets, often resulting in violations of the maximal onset principle. In Taimyr Pidgin Russian and in some childrens’ acquisition of Japanese, rhotics are allowed only in coda position, driving epenthesis and neutralization, respectively. In Lama, metathesis and obstruent sonorization work together to maximize sonority in codas while minimizing sonority in onsets.
Key concepts: Sonority hierarchy, Coda, Obstruent, Syllable, Speech recognition, Linguistics, Computer science, Acoustics